Após a morte do presidente venezuelano Hugo Chávez, Lula já
havia colaborado com o New York Times, que cedeu espaço para um artigo escrito
pelo ex-presidente.
Latin America After Chávez
By LUIZ INÁCIO LULA da SILVA
Published: March 6, 2013
HISTORY will affirm, justifiably, the role Hugo Chávez
played in the integration of Latin America, and the significance of his 14-year
presidency to the poor people of Venezuela, where he died on Tuesday after a
long struggle with cancer.
However, before history is allowed to dictate our
interpretation of the past, we must first have a clear understanding of Mr.
Chávez’s significance, in both the domestic and international political
contexts. Only then can the leaders and peoples of South America, arguably the
world’s most dynamic continent today, clearly define the tasks ahead of us so
that we might consolidate the advances toward international unity achieved in
the past decade. Those tasks have gained new importance now that we are without
the help of Mr. Chávez’s boundless energy; his deep belief in the potential for
the integration of the nations of Latin America; and his commitment to the
social transformations needed to ameliorate the misery of his people.
Mr. Chávez’s social campaigns, especially in the areas of
public health, housing and education, succeeded in improving the standard of
living of tens of millions of Venezuelans.
One need not agree with everything Mr. Chávez said or did.
There is no denying that he was a controversial, often polarizing, figure, one
who never fled from debate and for whom no topic was taboo. I must admit I
often felt that it would have been more prudent for Mr. Chávez not to have said
all that he did. But this was a personal characteristic of his that should not,
even from afar, discredit his qualities.
One might also disagree with Mr. Chávez’s ideology, and a
political style that his critics viewed as autocratic. He did not make easy
political choices and he never wavered in his decisions.
However, no remotely honest person, not even his fiercest
opponent, can deny the level of camaraderie, of trust and even of love that Mr.
Chávez felt for the poor of Venezuela and for the cause of Latin American
integration. Of the many power brokers and political leaders I have met in my
life, few have believed so much in the unity of our continent and its diverse
peoples — indigenous Indians, descendants of Europeans and Africans, recent
immigrants — as he did.
Mr. Chávez was instrumental in the 2008 treaty that established
the Union of South American Nations, a 12-member intergovernmental organization
that might someday move the continent toward the model of the European Union.
In 2010, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States leapt from theory
to practice, providing a political forum alongside the Organization of American
States. (It does not include the United States and Canada, as the O.A.S. does.)
The Bank of the South, a new lending institution, independent of the World Bank
and the Inter-American Development Bank, also would not have been possible
without Mr. Chávez’s leadership. Finally, he was vitally interested in
fostering closer Latin American ties with Africa and the Arab world.
If a public figure dies without leaving ideas, his legacy
and his spirit come to an end as well. This was not the case for Mr. Chávez, a
strong, dynamic and unforgettable figure whose ideas will be discussed for
decades in universities, labor unions, political parties and anyplace where
people are concerned with social justice, the alleviation of misery and the
fairer distribution of power among the peoples of the world. Perhaps his ideas
will come to inspire young people in the future, much as the life of Simón
Bolívar, the great liberator of Latin America, inspired Mr. Chávez himself.
Mr. Chávez’s legacy in the realm of ideas will need further
work if they are to become a reality in the messy world of politics, where
ideas are debated and contested. A world without him will require other leaders
to display the effort and force of will he did, so that his dreams will not be
remembered only on paper.
To maintain his legacy, Mr. Chávez’s sympathizers in
Venezuela have much work ahead of them to construct and strengthen democratic
institutions. They will have to help make the political system more organic and
transparent; to make political participation more accessible; to enhance
dialogue with opposition parties; and to strengthen unions and civil society
groups. Venezuelan unity, and the survival of Mr. Chávez’s hard-won
achievements, will require this.
It is without a doubt the aspiration of all Venezuelans —
whether aligned with or opposed to Mr. Chávez, whether soldier or civilian,
Catholic or evangelical, rich or poor — to realize the potential of a nation as
promising as theirs. Only peace and democracy can make those aspirations a
reality.
The multilateral institutions Mr. Chávez helped create will
also help ensure the consecration of South American unity. He will no longer be
present at South American summit meetings, but his ideals, and the Venezuelan
government, will continue to be represented. Democratic camaraderie among the
leaders of Latin America and the Caribbean is the best guarantee of the
political, economic, social and cultural unity that our peoples want and need.
In moving toward unity, we are at a point of no return. But
however steadfast we are, we must be even more so in negotiating our nations’
participation in international forums like the United Nations, the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These institutions, born from
the ashes of World War II, have not been sufficiently responsive to the
realities of today’s multipolar world.
Charismatic and idiosyncratic, capable of building
friendships, communicating to the masses as few other leaders ever have, Mr.
Chávez will be missed. I will always cherish the friendship and partnership
that, during the eight years in which we worked together as presidents,
produced such benefits for Brazil and for Venezuela and our peoples.
Luiz Inácio Lula da
Silva, the president of Brazil from 2003 through 2010, is the honorary
president of the Instituto Lula, which focuses on Brazil’s relations with
Africa. This essay was translated by Benjamin Legg and Robert M. Sarwark from
the Portuguese.
Nenhum comentário:
Postar um comentário